Grading Texas

Presumably, a basic understanding of the three branches of government – the executive, the legislative and the judicial — will remain in the social studies curriculum standards that the State Board of Education is revising this year. But will the board revise the standards so that Texas students also understand what can happen when the legislative branch fails to do its job of checking and balancing the powers of the executive?

Probably not, and that’s too bad because what can happen is happening.

The legislative branch of the federal government, of course, is Congress, a law-making and policy-setting body with a lot of power under the Constitution. But under Republican control during the second Trump administration, Congress has become little more than a rubberstamp for whatever illegal action Trump wants to take next, moving the U.S. closer and closer to authoritarianism.

While the Democratic minority has fumed, the Republican congressional majority has mostly watched as the Trump administration has cut or rediverted billions of dollars in funds appropriated by Congress, laid off government workers approved by Congress and started dismantling the Department of Education, an agency created by Congress. A host of other outrageous actions, of course, include efforts to stifle free speech, repeal civil rights initiatives and dictator-like immigration-enforcement policies that have terrified school children, disrupted hundreds of peaceful families and resulted so far in the shooting deaths of at least three American citizens by federal officers.

Meanwhile, the judicial branch’s record on the president’s power grab has been mixed. Many lower court federal judges have tried to shut down many illegal Trump policies, from education to immigration enforcement and the hiring and firing of federal workers. These judges often have been ignored by Trump functionaries or later reversed – at least temporarily – by the U.S. Supreme Court.

The Supreme Court’s recent 6-3 ruling that struck down Trump’s tariffs program was the high court’s first decision blocking a major Trump policy imposed during the president’s current term. And Trump quickly tried to circumvent the court’s decision by issuing new tariffs under a different law.

Interestingly, Justice Neil Gorsuch, a Trump appointee, wrote a concurring opinion in the tariffs case, in which he scolded the Republican Congress’ subservience to Trump.

“Yes, legislating can be hard and take time,” Gorsuch wrote. “And yes, it can be tempting to bypass Congress when some pressing problem arises. But the deliberative nature of the legislative process was the whole point of its design. Through that process, the nation can tap the combined wisdom of the people’s elected representatives, not just that of one faction or man.”

That is what the writers of the Constitution had in mind when they created the three separate, independent branches of government. At present, though (and rewriting Gorsuch a bit), the combined political will and courage (not wisdom) of the people’s elected Republican congressional representatives is just not strong enough to challenge that egomaniac in the White House.

But we won’t see that in Texas’ next set of social studies curriculum standards.

Clay Robison

The gluttonous beast has been unleashed.

Texas parents eager to tap into state tax dollars to help pay their kids’ tuition at private schools or help cover their home-schooling expenses can start applying this week (Feb. 4) for the inaugural year of Texas’ new private school voucher program.

The Legislature set aside $1 billion for the 2026-27 school year, an amount that legislative budget experts have predicted will increase to about $4 billion a year by 2030. Then, fasten your seatbelts because before you know it, the program will be costing Texas taxpayers and our public schools untold billions of dollars a year.

Gov. Greg Abbott and other voucher advocates deny the diversion of billions of tax dollars a year to private schools will hurt school districts and their students. Don’t believe them.

Several states with existing voucher programs already have been documented robbing from their public schools to feed their voucher programs, and if you think our current state leaders won’t do the same thing, you haven’t been paying attention to their school privatization campaign.

According to a report, linked at the end of this post, by Public Funds Public Schools, several states with some of the longer records with vouchers have made substantial increases in state funding for vouchers over the years as they cut per-student funding for public schools.

Public Funds Public Schools is a partnership between the Education Law Center and the Southern Poverty Law Center. Examples in the report, released in 2023, include:

• Florida – This state, like some other states, has multiple voucher programs, and spending on three of the oldest programs increased by 313 percent between 2008-2019, while per-pupil funding for public education was cut by 12 percent.
• Arizona –Increased spending on voucher programs by 270 percent between 2008-2019, while cutting per-pupil spending for public education by 5.7 percent.
• Georgia – Increased spending on vouchers by 883 percent between 2009-2019, while cutting per-pupil spending on public schools by 1.9 percent.
• Indiana – Increased voucher spending by 796 percent between 2012-2019 and cut per-pupil spending on public education by 1.5 percent.
• Wisconsin – Increased voucher spending by 119 percent between 2008-2019, while essentially freezing per-student funding for public education.
• Ohio – Increased spending on vouchers by 416 percent, while limiting per-student spending for public education to only 14.2 percent.

As the report noted, “Private school voucher programs are initially proposed as limited in size and scope, then grown as existing programs are expanded and/or additional voucher programs are established. This results in greater and greater amounts of public funding diverted to private educational institutions and private corporations. At the same time, as noted, funding for public schools in these states has largely decreased.”

Meanwhile, most students in these states and in Texas are attending public schools, which are losing money to the privatization monster. Its appetite will also grow in Texas if public education advocates don’t start working to slay it, beginning with this election year.

Read more.

Clay Robison

Gov. Greg Abbott has frequently made the point that public schools “are for education – not indoctrination.” He is correct, but he doesn’t believe what he says any more than he believes the moon is made of cheese. What Abbott really believes is that public schools should be forced to participate in selective indoctrination, the kind of indoctrination that promotes his political career and undermines the truthful, unbiased education that children really need.

Abbott is all in on promoting the Trump world view that panders to racism, bias and fear; denies the reality of climate change; sanitizes history; and promotes authoritarianism and the myth of Christian nationalism. Increasingly, he and his legislative allies are using Texas’ public schools to indoctrinate students with this partisan, right-wing ideology.

Abbott has encouraged school districts to ban books about the LGBTQ+ community and signed a law forbidding instruction about diversity, equity and inclusion and banning DEI clubs in schools. He also has signed laws restricting what educators can teach about slavery and race relations and requiring school districts to post copies of the Ten Commandments in their classrooms.

The governor claims that teaching about DEI or promoting DEI programs is “indoctrination.” It is not. It recognizes the fact that Texas is a multicultural society and that every child – regardless of race, ethnicity, sexual orientation or gender identify – should be welcome in our public schools.

Now, Abbott has joined Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick to launch a campaign to create chapters of the right-wing organization Turning Point USA on every high school campus in Texas. These chapters are called Club Americas. Patrick has pledged $1 million of his own campaign funds to pay for them.

Turning Point USA was founded by the late Charlie Kirk, who was praised by conservatives as a champion of free speech. But many Americans – including some people of color, non-Christians and LGBTQ+ individuals – fear attack by the organization if they open their mouths.

Turning Point already operates on many college campuses, where students are older and better prepared to form their political views. Now, the organization is expanding into high schools, where it hopes its Club America chapters can build conservative networks and help students register to vote.

It is not clear if Abbott plans to force school districts to create the conservative clubs, but he said he expects “meaningful disciplinary action” against any school that tries to prevent the formation of a Club America.

The Southern Poverty Law Center, which tracks extremism, says Turning Point’s “primary strategy is sowing and exploiting fear that white Christian supremacy is under attack by nefarious actors, including immigrants, the LGBTQ+ community and civil rights activists.”

What if the Southern Poverty Law Center or the American Civil Liberties Union were to try to establish student chapters in Texas high schools? Abbott would scream, of course, about political “indoctrination.”

Texas launches plan to open Talking Point USA chapters in every high school 

Clay Robison

Greg Abbott, one of the most anti-public education governors Texas has ever had, will probably be reelected to a fourth term next year if Texans who have the most to lose with Abbott don’t quit voting for him.

I am talking about the teachers and other public school employees who have voted for Abbott one, two or three times already and are still wondering why they aren’t paid more, or why their classrooms are so overcrowded, or why they get political orders about what they can or can’t teach their students.

Look at a political map of Abbott’s victory over Democrat Beto O’Rourke in the 2022 general election, and you will see that O’Rourke won every large metropolitan county except Tarrant (Fort Worth). But most of the rest of Texas, except for several counties mainly along and near the Mexican border, are Republican red. (See link at the bottom of this item.)

The largest employers in many (maybe most) of those red towns and counties of rural and suburban Texas are school districts with many teachers, support staff and administrators who voted for Abbott. Many also voted for Donald Trump in last year’s presidential race and for the legislators who gave Abbott the voucher law that will divert $1 billion in tax funds from under-funded public schools to private schools and home-schoolers next year and many more billions in years to come.

Texas had 745,000 public school employees in 2020-21, and Abbott beat Democrat Beto O’Rourke by 883,000 votes the next year. So, the education vote was not the only factor in the election outcome last time. But Abbott will probably have a different opponent next year, and the stakes for public schools will be higher.

Educators, of course, are free to vote for whomever they choose for any reason they choose, and they are free to vote against the best interests of their profession and their students. Candidates like Abbott rely on that. Many Texas educators come from Republican political traditions, but the Republican Party of Trump and Abbott isn’t the Republican Party of anyone’s grandparents.

Any public school employees who think Abbott may be their choice for governor again should consider this. During his decade-plus in the governor’s office, Abbott has been slowly but surely squeezing public school budgets in favor of other priorities, including tax relief and school privatization. He has wrongly accused teachers of promoting ideology over truth, has advocated for book bans and has made it more difficult for teachers to do their jobs.

Abbott brags that during his time as governor he has increased funding for public education from $54 billion to $93 billion, but that doesn’t account for inflation and enrollment changes.

During the 2024-25 school year, the average teacher salary in Texas was more than $10,000 below the national average, and the average amount spent per Texas student in average daily attendance (ADA) was $5,600 less than the national average. Only three states – Utah, Oklahoma and Idaho – spent less per student. The additional funding that the Legislature appropriated for teacher pay and public education this year – the first real increase since 2019 – didn’t do much, if anything, to close those deficits.

If he is reelected, Abbott will be ready to start applying a stranglehold on future public education funding. That is what will happen if he succeeds in abolishing all school property taxes or puts so many restrictions on them it will be next to impossible for most school boards to raise the local revenue they need to keep their districts operating. Those are priorities Abbott laid out as he launched his reelection campaign last week.

So far, the Legislature has reimbursed school districts for the property tax breaks it has initiated. But the state will not be able to replace the lost revenue from all school property taxes without a huge increase in sales or other state taxes, which Abbott and his legislative allies will oppose.

Abbott’s answer will be more cuts in public education, including the jobs of many of those who voted for him. Elections have consequences. Educators can continue suffering the consequences of Abbott’s anti-public education policies. Or, they can do something about it.

https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/2022-elections/texas-governor-results/

Clay Robison